‘The beauty of never again’: another account of Johan Daisne’s summer in Hitchin

In my last post I drew upon Johan Vanhecke’s biography of the Belgian novelist and poet Johan Daisne as a key resource to explore the intriguing connections between Daisne, Gerard Ceunis and the silent film actress Lillian Hall-Davis. The section of Johan’s book from which I quoted in that post occurs in the chapter entitled ‘Marquita’. The paragraphs immediately preceding the discussion of Lillian Hall-Davis provide a detailed account of the summer vacation that Daisne, whose real name was Herman Thiery, spent as a young man at the home of Gerard and Alice Ceunis in Hitchin, in 1929, and of the writer’s unrequited passion for the Ceunisses’ daughter Vanna. Although the account contains a good deal of information that is already familiar from Daisne’s own writings, and indeed occasionally quotes from those texts, it also contains a number of fresh and interesting insights. Vanhecke’s narrative begins on page 79 of the book (as before, all translations from the biography are my own):

With peace of mind he [i.e. Daisne] goes to England for the summer to spend the holiday in Villa Salve on Gosmore Road in Hitchin in Hertfordshire with Uncle Gerard and Aunt Lisa, the painter Gerard Ceunis and his wife Lieze Vandamme, one of the best friends of Augusta de Taeye from the time when they belonged to the group of friends known as the Flinken. Daisne tells the story of that summer at length in Aurora. Herman had got to know their daughter Vanna a year before on the beach at Knokke ‘and immediately found her very sympathetic and no less interesting. She also liked me from the beginning, I saw it, I don’t know how, in the softening of her sea-grey eyes.’

Johan Daisne (Herman Thiery) as a young man

Gerard Ceunis’ wife’s first name was actually Alice, but according to Daisne, she was known to friends and family as ‘Lisa’, ‘Lize’ or ‘Lieze’. Augusta de Taeye was Daisne’s mother: see earlier posts for further information about Augusta, Alice and the ‘Flinken’. The reference to Daisne and Vanna meeting for the first time on the beach at Knokke, presumably on a return visit to Belgium by the Ceunis family, confirms – and provides a specific location for – the story, related by Daisne in Aurora, which was eventually included in his Zes domino’s voor vrouwen of 1944. Knokke, on the Belgian coast near Zeebrugge, had been a favourite location for outings by the ‘Reiner Leven‘ and ‘Flinken’ groups, which included both Daisne’s parents and Gerard and Alice Ceunis, in their youth. In Aurora, Daisne provides further details of this initial encounter with the girl he there calls ‘Vavane’ [my translation]:

Vavane! I had met her by the sea, in a cloud of English cigarette smoke: a beautiful, tall girl, with a blonde pageboy haircut, a spoiled rich kid, wild and lazy, who wasted her time or frittered it away with horseback riding and dancing during the holidays, and during the year, at her ‘college’, with novels and chocolates. At first sight our characters appeared to be two extremes, but at the same time we resembled each other, because of I know not what warm sympathy.

Photograph of Vanna Ceunis, c.1938, in the Johan Daisne archive at the Letterenhuis, Antwerp

Venhecke’s biographical account continues:

Vanna was born in Ghent and named after a character from a play by Maeterlinck. Her father, Gerard Ceunis, had taken some steps in literature himself, with a play that was published in 1909 with a foreword by André de Ridder, The Captive Princess, and previously appeared in Vlaamsche Arbeid, and with The Simple Room. A Gothic Fairy Tale, which appeared in Flandria’s Novellesbibliotheek a year later. At the start of the First World War, he crossed over to England, since he was a member of the Civil Guard, and set up a second-hand fashion store with his wife. Now that it is running well, he has turned to painting.

As I’ve noted before, the young Gerard Ceunis was a great admirer of the plays of Maurice Maeterlinck and named his daughter after the eponymous heroine of Maeterlinck’s 1902 play ‘Monna Vanna’. One of the frequent criticisms of Ceunis’ own youthful dramatic output was that it was a pale imitation of Maeterlinck’s style. I quoted from one hostile contemporary review of The Captive Princess in this post. I’ve yet to see the text of Ceunis’ Gothic fairy tale, and this is the first time that I’ve seen its full title cited. For more information about Flandria’s Novellesbibliotheek, including Ceunis’ illustrations for its covers, see this post.

I’ve mentioned before that Ceunis’ membership of the Civil Guard appears to be one of the main reasons behind his decision to flee to England, after the German invasion of Belgium in 1914. Vanhecke’s account above contains the first suggestion that I’ve come across that Ceunis sold ‘secondhand’ [tweedehands] clothing in his stores: I think this may be a mistake.

Moreover, the suggestion in the next sentence that Ceunis ‘turned to painting’ following his success in business is perhaps slightly misleading. In fact, this ‘turn’ took place when he was still a young man living in Belgium. After his failure to break through as a poet and playwright, Gerard Ceunis began to study art at the Ghent Academy and exhibited in his home country before emigrating. It is, however, accurate to say that his later success in business gave him the leisure to devote himself, as Christophe Verbruggen puts it, to ‘painting and philosophising’.

Hitchin railway station, c. 1930 (via https://sunnyfield.co.uk)

The next section of Vanhecke’s narrative draws heavily on Daisne’s own accounts, both in Aurora and in his obituary for Gerard Ceunis:

The holiday starts badly, because in London Daisne misses his train connection to Hitchin. He sends a telegram in a combination of French and English, and fortunately finds Vanna on the platform hours later. It will be an adventurous and at times romantic holiday, with all kinds of tours, on foot and by car.

One evening they return so late from a movie (Desert Song, with John Boles) that they hardly dare ring the bell, for fear of Vanna’s mother’s reaction. Seeing a light in the bathroom, they throw pebbles against the window and are let in by Uncle Gerard in his pyjamas. Vanna loves the music of Ravel. In the afternoons they would listen to the Bolero and Daisne decides to translate the Pavane. ‘And on one of the last evenings, alone in the drawing room, we would read on the sofa, both of us wearing plaid. We took turns reading aloud, she English poets, I French, until we wearily let the book rest on our knees, secretly smoked a cigarette together, stared into the fire and finally lost ourselves blushing into each other’s eyes.’ Herman also introduces her to his beloved Les Miserables, which he has of course brought with him, and from Vanna receives Wuthering Heights, which he will not read until two years later.

Herman Thiery is in love and draws positive energy from this. Or as he puts it much later in Lago Maggiore: ‘The air of that summer was so filled with the scents of love that I thought I had found its object in Cousin Vanna’s blonde figure and grey look. And indeed, with the immediate image of that companion in mind, I then began my studies at the [university] with all the power of infatuation.’

But on the morning that he has to leave England, Vanna is sick in bed. He says goodbye to her, but does not dare to kiss her and is quite frustrated about it. Everything else he relates in the story Aurora about Vanna is strictly true (except that she doesn’t have a son but a daughter).

In fact, as well as getting the sex of Vanna’s child wrong, Daisne would (deliberately?) add another fictional detail in Aurora, describing ‘Vavane’s’ husband erroneously as ‘an English earl’.

The next section of the biography includes two stanzas from Daisne’s plaintive poem ‘Vanna’. My attempt at an English translation of the whole poem (which I draw on below) can be found in this post.

After her marriage in 1936 to a London lawyer, as a result of which he writes the poem ‘Salve’, there is no direct contact between Herman and Vanna, but Herman does maintain a correspondence with Aunt Lisa and Uncle Gerard.

When the latter dies in the 1960s, Vanna begins to write to him again, which inspires him to write the poem ‘Vanna’, of which he sends her a French translation in early 1974. He somewhat reproaches her for never expressing herself clearly but confesses that he has always loved her.

We were eighteen, long ago,

and you so tall and blonde and slim.

Sometimes you still write back with love

when I’ve sent you some nice thing.

.

But neither of us ever dared to say…

Shall I do it here and now?

Know this, by my eyes I swear:

I always loved you, to the end.

‘Salve’ today (via rightmove.co.uk)

I’ve yet to see a copy of Daisne’s poem ‘Salve’: in fact, this is the first reference to it that I’d come across, and I’d be very interested to read it. The next section includes an extract from an early version of Aurora which provides further insight into Daisne’s feelings of regret over his unfulfilled relationship with Vanna Ceunis:

However, he is very clear with himself in Chisinau, the first version of Aurora:

I did not respond, I was the little boy who did not dare, I was never clear, I who thought to lay all future hopes in barely veiled, brilliant words, which should be words of thanks, confessions, words of promise, and were only hopeless and bumbling obscurities. I alone have been dark, I alone am guilty, innocently guilty, because then I didn’t know any better and I couldn’t help it.

How clear were Vavane’s letters, how clear her dedication and her marginal notes in Stevenson’s ‘Virginibus et Puerisque’, my first and last Christmas present from her, after that English summer. How clear, above all, her last letter…

Vanhecke then offers an intriguing insight into Johan Daisne’s mixed feelings about the Ceunisses, and his resentment at having to rely on his friend Robert Mussche as an intermediary with them:

Herman may have had a problem with the general atmosphere at the Ceunis family home. He regularly talks about this with Robert Mussche, who stays in Hitchin in the summer of 1931: ‘I doubt whether you understand my feelings for them correctly […], they are also so difficult: in theory I love them, but in practice I can’t show it, because sometimes it moves me too much & furthermore, mainly, because I’m critical of their behaviour, cold condescension & capricious “grande geste”.’

In August 1933 he even had Robert Mussche provide her with the text of an article he had written about ‘Romanticism & Rationalism’: ‘The thoughts from it will probably best explain my attitude. Tell her above all about the distinction I make between our theoretical all-encompassing feelings of friendship and love & the practical attitude of criticism existing with it and alongside it.’

Robert keeps in regular contact with Vanna, but doesn’t like to talk about this with Herman.

On the weekend of March 10, 1934, this led to an almighty quarrel: ‘I have become accustomed to the fact that I always have to ask you if I want to know anything about the Ceunisses […] but the fact that you did not inform me on your own initiative of Vanna’s engagement, you must have understood that was anything but OK.’

Robert Muscche as a young man (via Johan Vanhecke’s biography of Daisne)

I’ve written elsewhere about Daisne’s friendship with the poet Robert Mussche (which is the main subject of the Basque novelist Kirmen Uribe’s docu-fiction Mussche) and about Mussche’s own visit to Hitchin, at his friend’s suggestion, and their rival affections for Vanna. I knew that the two friends temporarily fell out over this, and also as a result of Daisne’s apparently unflattering depiction of Mussche in Aurora. However, I hadn’t realised that Robert acted as a conduit for information about Vanna, nor was I aware of Daisne’s ambivalent feelings about his ‘uncle’ and ‘aunt’ in Hitchin. He writes about them elsewhere with such affection, that his use here of terms like ‘cold condescension’ comes as something of a shock.

Vanhecke adds a final detail about Daisne’s stay with the Ceunisses, drawing once again principally on the novelist’s own account in Aurora:

A small detail of the stay in Hitchin should not go unmentioned. One morning at the villa, Herman makes an important discovery. ‘There was no one down yet, the sun rose in the drawing-room and then by inspiration I followed the one ray that fell in that library, on a small item, it was called “La belle que voila” and standing up, strangely moved, I read that little, gripping story of unforgettable childhood love.

Liette, beautiful name!…I was still completely silent at breakfast, people asked what it was, and as I looked at Vavane’s sea-grey eyes, my heart became so soft that I was once again tempted into making a joke of it: I said I had a dream and told a variant of “La belle que voila.”’ Louis Hemon’s book is a real revelation. Herman immediately wants to translate it into Dutch, but after a few pages he gives up, because his Dutch seems too clumsy to him. Only thirty years later does he feel ready for a re-creation: The beauty of never again [De schone van nooit weer]… Whenever he rereads the story, he thinks back to England.

‘The beauty of never again…’ A phrase that nearly encapsulates Johan Daisne’s lifelong feelings of nostalgia and regret when recalling the magical summer he spent with Gerard, Alice, and above all Vanna Ceunis, in Hitchin.

Summer sunset over Priory Park, Hitchin: the view from near ‘Salve’

Gerard Ceunis, playwright

Gerard Ceunis’ most sustained attempts at literary fame were the two plays he published after the demise of Iris, the short-lived literary magazine that he co-founded in 1907, when he was twenty-two years old. According to Christophe Verbruggen, the reception afforded to these plays – The Captive Princess in 1909 and Gothic Fairy Tale in 1910 – was ‘lukewarm’ and they were never staged. ‘Not without justification’, writes Verbruggen, ‘was he accused of a degree of unoriginal imitation of Maurice Maeterlinck’, even taking the name of the heroine of The Captive Princess from the latter’s play Monna Vanna (1902).

Screenshot 2020-04-23 at 14.34.21

Maurice Maeterlinck (1862 – 1949), via en.wikipedia.org

Screenshot 2020-04-23 at 14.08.09

I haven’t been able to track down a copy of either play, but I have found a contemporary review of The Captive Princess in the magazine Groot Nederland. Christophe Verbruggen writes that Ceunis’ friend, the Antwerp-based literary critic André de Ridder ‘was about the only one who believed in him’ and also wrote a foreword or introduction to the play. Both men come in for a good deal of caustic criticism in the review. If all the reviews were like this, one can see why Gerard Ceunis decided to turn away from literature and towards the visual arts.

Screenshot 2020-04-23 at 14.28.41

Edgar Scauflaire, ‘Portrait of André de Ridder’, Collection of AMVC Letterenhuis Antwerpen

As before, I’ve had to rely heavily on Google Translate to help me construct a fairly free English version of the review, so apologies for any mistakes or misunderstandings.

Gerard Ceunis, ‘The Captive Princess. A silent tragedy in three acts’.

Antwerp, ‘Flandria’ Bookshop

Mr. Ceunis, a young Flemish writer, wanted to write a tragedy and chose the dramas of Maeterlinck as his model. The “silent” element of the intended tragedy is reminiscent of the ideal once proposed by Maeterlinck himself, but to which he was unfaithful as soon as he decided he wanted to reach a theatre audience. Now no further explanation is needed of the dangers a person exposes himself to when he aspires to work in this way – and this youthful author has therefore suffered the brunt of it.

‘The Captive Princess’, like all literary imitations, has retained only the outward appearance of the admired original. He seeks it in the vague, the romantic the poetic, without achieving the desired effect, or capturing the charm of Maeterlinck’s meaningful dialogue. Dissect one of Maeterlinck’s early plays – the facts have little meaning, but look at how, despite the meagre content, the conventional romantic appearance is transformed into something special by the profound and wonderfully moving emotion of the dialogue and its beautiful, musical language.

But where precisely this is lacking – the indescribable something that is the true characteristic of a highly original talent – then the aforementioned external form becomes nothing but a soulless mannerism in the hands of the impersonator. Just one example. We know the effect that repetition has in dramatic dialogue, when a true dramatist uses it. It can be very comical or deeply tragic. For Maeterlinck it often suggests the mysterious, the word takes on a different sound when it is repeated, it opens up unexpected views, it arouses sudden emotions. How? By what means? We can say what Maeterlinck himself said of Ibsen’s dialogue, that there is so much that is wonderful in the Master that others cannot grasp merely with their understanding.

But whoever does not possess that wonderful something but uses the same superficial methods will be sadly disappointed.

Mr. Ceunis has provided himself with Maeterlinck-ish props. A royal castle, a tower, a wood, a pond, swans, water lilies, and so on.

The main character is Princess Vanna: the writer does not attempt to conceal it! And this Vanna has a twilight meeting with Prince Palemon. They are children of mutually hostile kings and – as happens in Romanticism – inevitably fall in love.

We hear them talking by that romantic pond. Along these lines:

Palemon.  Princess Vanna?

Vanna.     Prince Palemon?

Palemo.   Palemon, speak! Do you want?

Vanna.    Palemon? Yes, I do….

This could be seen as suggestive – whether that was the writer’s intention is secondary. But we will continue.

Palemon.    Did you come here to muse, Vanna? Princess Vanna?

Vanna.        Ah! I am sad.

Palemon.    Sad? … Ah! why?

Vanna.        I am sad because it is evening …

Palemon.    Because it is evening? ….

Here you can feel what a slippery path the author is treading. In what tone should Palemon utter his last question after all that repetition? Should it be as someone who does not really know what is being asked of him? Maybe he is surprised? Or is he just repeating it as a courtesy?

Vanna.     Because the sun was so bloody! ….

Palemon. Oh! because the sun was so bloody? ….

Palemon has almost got it. ‘Oh!’ Sounds like: ‘Aha!’ But sorry – he could be wrong again! – his speech is brief and has a question mark. Vanna still has time to change her mind if she wants to.

It feels faltering and also…as a result of which…

It’s clearer in this extract:

Palemon. …. Are you not homesick?

Vanna.           Homesick? …. Perhaps …. Ah yes! …. Homesick? I have….

No! I’m not homesick.

We do not want to be indiscreet, but that timid: ‘I have ….’ prompts the question: what can the sweet princess have if it is not homesickness? …

Palemon does not feel the same way, however, and remains homesick.

This is enough for now, and I would probably have refrained from sharing even this morsel of Mr. Ceunis’ dramatic experiment, had it not been preceded by an Introduction from the industrious Mr. André de Ridder, who has been engaged in arousing our interest in Flemish writers and Flemish literature.

For the sake of fairness, it must be acknowledged that Mr. De Ridder was somewhat hesitant when Mr. Ceunis asked him to write an Introduction. And he therefore starts with a captatio benevolentiae in the form of an apology. He – De Ridder, young and without authority – he, free from all autogobism (the word is Mr De Ridder’s) – what can he … etc.

He only wants to let readers know that ‘more as a comrade than as a reviewer’ (the spelling belongs to Mr. De Ridder) [apparently De Ridder spells recensent – reviewer in Dutch – as rescensent] , he has read the tragedy with pleasure and is very pleased by its publication.

Mr. De Ridder likes the work of his friend Gerard Ceunis. Nobody can blame him for that. But a subsidiary question is whether that friendship did not seriously hobble him when he testified on his friend’s behalf in this manner. In Ceunis he recognised a follower and feared that his young friend ‘will certainly beat him over the head with the name of Maeterlink’. (the spelling is Mr. De Ridder’s)[The usual spelling is ‘Maeterlinck’ with a ‘ck’]. ‘Maeterlink’s influence threatened to overwhelm you.’

On the previous page he had written:

‘Any naturalism, of course, remains a long way off. On the contrary’. Which ‘on the contrary’ will makes a very unwelcome and comic impression on the reader.

And now, to demonstrate clearly the particular value of a piece like this tragedy, he allows himself to be tempted into an elaboration on Flemish literature, which I think is extremely questionable.

See here:

‘The meaning of “The Captive Princess” must be interpreted very differently here in Flanders than in France, for example. In general, our art is still too crude, often too realistic, not refined enough, not aristocratic enough. Our stage in particular suffers from a particularly accentuated and one-sided flatness’.

He notes that the author once declared the piece unsuitable for the stage. This should therefore not be discussed in this context. ‘”The Captive Princess” has arrived in our Flanders like a very beautiful dream girl, in the middle of a bunch of clumsy peasant women.’

‘But, my dear Ceunis, because your girl is so beautiful, so delicate, so tiny and fragile in her misty fairy robe, it may well be roughly pushed away. It is clear that a book like your “Captive Princess” should not be read in the same state of mind and judged by the same principles with which a novel by Streuvels or Teirlinck … is read or endorsed.’

Enough, I think.

We should note that Mr. André de Ridder, who has familiarised himself with artists like Streuvels and Teirlinck, and who has enthusiastically testified to a revival in Flemish literature, now, in order to have a background against which to admire the delicate princess, in all her grace and elegance, has come to the point of representing the Flemish literature of our time as ‘too coarse, too realistic and too vulgar.’

Is it not his own fault if we begin to distrust the enthusiasm with which he previously praised various expressions of the revival of Flemish art and with which he now also praises this anaemic product?

Teirlinck, Van de Woestyne, Vermeylen too realistic and vulgar? …. Buysse and Streuvels too coarse! ….

If Mr. De Ridder has come to his senses again after his initial enthusiasm, will he not ask himself: ‘how could I ever have written such enormities!’ and bow his head penitently?

I have sincere hopes for him. He once trained his eyes to perceive the difference between true aristocracy and…snobbery in art; at this time, he should no longer bestow the ‘kiss’ of his enthusiasm on the ‘pure’ forehead of an anaemic princess, but keep his worship for the healthy, powerful Flemish art, in full bloom, that is beaming at him from other directions.

Screenshot 2020-04-23 at 16.12.07

His preface to the play wasn’t André de Ridder’s only effort to support his friend’s dramatic debut. In his regular column in the magazine La Belgique Artistique et Littéraire, in the autumn of 1909, De Ridder doubled down on his praise for the play, and on his criticism of the state of Flemish drama, at the same time almost managing to turn Ceunis’ imitation of Maeterlinck into something of a virtue [translated from French]:

The Captive Princess by Gerard Ceunis is an attempt to adapt Maurice Maeterlinck’s dream scenes and symbolic tragedies to the Flemish context; a highly successful attempt, a commendable attempt considering the general coarseness, the lack of refinement in our dramatic literature.  We can dispute its value, criticise the defective language, but we cannot dismiss the very usefulness of the effort, nor neglect the meaning and significance inherent in the work. I tried to describe them in the preface that I was asked to write for this little ‘silent’ drama, a preface which also expresses the sympathy that I feel – and that I would like to be shared by everyone – for the delicate sensitivity of M. Ceunis. His extremely precious tragedy might quite simply have been a masterpiece if Maeterlinck had not already written The Death of Tintagiles and Aglavaine and Sélysette.

The winding paths of Gerard Ceunis

As I noted in the previous post, it is very difficult to find reliable information about Gerard Ceunis online, particularly in English. The most informative overview of his life and work that I’ve come across so far was written in 2007 by Christophe Verbruggen of Ghent University. Entitled ‘De kronkelige paden van Gerard Ceunis’ – ‘The winding paths of Gerard Ceunis’ – the article gives a vivid sense of the range of Ceunis’ artistic and literary ventures and associations, and includes some fascinating photographs, which I’ve reproduced in what follows.

The original article is in Dutch/Flemish, a language that I don’t speak, so I’ve had to rely on assistance from Google Translate for this English version. I hope my readers (and Professor Verbruggen) will forgive any mistakes or misunderstandings. The notes at the end are my own.

In 1964 Vooruit [1] was the only Flemish newspaper to pay attention to the fact: Gerard Ceunis had died in Hitchin, England. It was Johan Daisne [2] who wrote the piece in memory of ‘Uncle Gerard’, regretting that Flanders did not know its own history ‘and the men who helped make it what it is today’.

Screenshot 2020-04-05 at 09.42.31

Johan Daisne (1930)

There are several reasons why Gerard Ceunis (1885-1964) fell between the folds of Flemish literary history. Undoubtedly the most important is that he fled his homeland in 1914 to make a fortune in textile sales in England. Out of sight, away from literary history. Other reasons are a lack of originality and not least his contrary nature. He refused to take on the shared habitus of his contemporaries and in doing so sidelined himself several times over.

At the beginning of the twentieth century the Ghent kuip (the old city centre) was the setting for a complex tangle of intrigues and friendships that often influenced artistic and literary positions. Gerard Ceunis was central to a number of these conflicts.

Until the age of thirteen Ceunis attended Sint-Lievenscollege in Ghent. He then went to work in the printing house where his father also worked. The family story would have it that the Ceunises lost a great deal of capital and social status in a very short time. He attended German courses at the Van Crombrugghe Society [3] and after working hours devoured the leading artistic and literary magazines in the library of Ghent University. His dream of becoming an artist is described in his diary of 1906, and it only grew stronger: ‘La vie de bohème is outrageously beautiful! An artist’s life – poverty – declarations of love in the attic – dancing at the fair – and in the end the girl dies. Chic! Is it strange that artists who can think so sensitively can sometimes be so dissolute, often leading a life that is not very exemplary.’

Screenshot 2020-04-09 at 11.25.26

Cover of the magazine Iris (1908)

Together with Paul Kenis [4] and others, Ceunis wandered through the Ghent beguinages [5] and abandoned monasteries. He came into contact with students of the Ghent Academy who had moved in there and regularly sought refuge in absinthe. He thought he would like to become a visual artist, but first he would try to make a name for himself as a writer. After a short stay in Germany, he planned to set up a magazine on his own, the fastest way to launch yourself or a new literary programme in the literary field. When Vlaanderen, the successor to Van Nu en Straks, ceased to exist in 1907, Ceunis tried to use his magazine Iris to fill the gap. Nieuw Leven, by his fellow townsman and friend P.G. van Hecke [6], had a similar ambition. However, the carefully edited Iris quickly perished due to a lack of subscribers. Competition with other magazines was brutal and Iris‘ main editors had no financial means of their own to keep the magazine alive.

Screenshot 2020-04-09 at 14.09.09

Paul Kenis (left) and Paul Gustave van Hecke

Ceunis joined the Reiner Leven [7] association in the hope of finding fellow spirits there. Reiner Leven exemplified the synergy between visual artists, writers, scientists and other intellectuals during the Belle Époque. P.G. van Hecke, Raymond Limbosh [8], George Sarton [9], Paul van Oye [10], Paul Kenis, all sought, among other things, through the activities of Reiner Leven, a way to demonstrate their social commitment and to give practical effect to their social criticism. Pretty soon Ceunis distanced himself from Reiner Leven and ‘De Flinken’ [‘The Courageous’], a group of feminists who had joined that society. He placed his fiancée Alice Vandamme in a difficult position, because she was a member of both clubs. Young women, in Ceunis’ opinion, should not be concerned with reading Maeterlinck [11] or with vegetarianism. He was dubbed an anti-feminist, a reputation he himself nurtured with his misogynistic public statements. It earned him the scorn of half of Ghent.

Like many other would-be intellectuals of the period, Ceunis flirted with anarchism. Bouncing back and forth between Max Stirner, [12]  Nietzsche, but also Maeterlinck and Van de Woestijne [13], he developed an individualistic social vision that reflected his ideas about art.

In his essay Individualism, published in 1910, he summarised this as follows: ‘And if, when I say: love yourself, people, instead of proclaiming with hostility and envy, “see, that is the worst egoism, that is society’s rottenness”, would try to understand these words: We try not to love ourselves so deeply that we abhor all our weaknesses and flaws, all our wickedness and insincerity […] and so, good and true to the wonder around us, unconscious of its meaning, equal to the sun’s warmth and light, by this SUN = BEING.’

Many years later, Ceunis told Johan Daisne that this was the only thing he still looked back on with satisfaction. The essay also demonstrates that Ceunis was very talented. Not only does it read as an enlightening document of its time, it also shows a great ability to synthesise.

Unlike many of his contemporaries who embraced the aura of the committed intellectual, Ceunis never demonstrated a desire to commit to society. Nor was the cause of Flemish emancipation for him. Ceunis the individualist grew increasingly isolated. As far as is known. he was active only in the Literary Society, of which many writers were members at that time, hoping to legitimise their authorship. After the demise of Iris, he published two plays: The Captive Princess (1909) and Gothic Fairy Tale (1910). André de Ridder [14] from Antwerp was about the only one who believed in him and he also wrote the foreword to The Captive Princess. The reception of both plays was lukewarm; they were never staged. Not without justification was he accused of a degree of unoriginal imitation of Maurice Maeterlinck. The extent of Ceunis’ admiration for his fellow townsman is also evident from the name he gave to his daughter: Vanna, after the play Monna Vanna written by Maeterlinck in 1902. When André de Ridder took the initiative to set up the magazine De Boomgaard, Ceunis was first in line to act as its representative in Ghent. His former friends Van Hecke and Kenis were against the idea, and as a result de Ridder also dropped Gerard Ceunis.

Ceunis then decided to further develop one of his other talents. He enrolled at the Ghent Art Academy, from which he graduated in 1912. A year later he exhibited for the first time at the Ghent Salon. When he moved to England in 1914, his social network was limited. The numerous etchings in the attic room of his granddaughter’s manor house bear witness to a continuing friendship with the visual artist Jules de Bruycker [15].  In addition, he maintained contact with the parents of Johan Daisne, the ‘Flinke’ Augusta de Taeye [16] and [Leo] Michel Thierry [17].

Screenshot 2020-04-05 at 09.41.54

Vanna Ceunis

When he was eighteen, to improve his English and his health, Johan Daisne spent the summer with Ceunis in Hitchin, Hertfordshire. He fell hopelessly in love with Vanna. She became one of the Six Dominoes for Women, a collection of stories from 1944. In the piece that Daisne wrote as an obituary of Ceunis in Vooruit, he looks back on his stay in England: ‘In my youth I walked there [the cemetery in Hitchin], dreaming among the graves. Sometimes I sat in the church tower staring endlessly at the summer opulence of the “commons”. A young and very blonde girl loved my company. Her name was Vanna.’

Once he had made his fortune, Ceunis left the management of his shops to his wife Alice and spent his days painting and philosophising. After the First World War, he evolved from an impressionism in the luminist style of Emile Claus [18] and Albert Baertsoen [19]  in the direction of the more expressive style of Van Gogh. His work was highly thought of in England. Ceunis was discussed positively in the leading art magazines and national newspapers. A large-scale retrospective at the famous Arlington Gallery in London in 1930 was opened by the Belgian ambassador. The exhibition did not go unnoticed in Belgium either, but the recognition was short-lived. In 1933, despite Jules de Bruycker’s intercession, Ceunis’ paintings were even rejected at the Ghent Salon.

Screenshot 2020-04-08 at 21.36.24

Gerard Ceunis, ‘Flemish Room’ (oil on canvas)

Before he passed away, Ceunis wanted at all costs to donate a painting to a museum in Flanders, so that he too could be ‘a little bit present’. He was unable to do this himself. ‘The “Flemish Room” must be given a place of honour,’ Daisne wrote in 1962, in one of his many letters to Ceunis, after which he once again referred to that ‘unforgettable time in Hitchin’ and his love for Vanna. For him, the painting was also a memory of that time. The AMVC Letterenhuis [20] accepted the gift after Daisne’s insistence. It is still part of the collection.

When Gerard Ceunis and Alice Vandamme fled to England in 1914, they also took with them their diaries and correspondence. In this way, a piece of Flemish heritage has ended up in the attic of an English country house that is currently inhabited by Vanna’s daughter. Between the etchings by Jules de Bruycker and dozens of paintings by Ceunis there are several boxes with items that deserve a place in the Letterenhuis, not so much from a literary-historical perspective, but from a cultural-historical perspective. Then Ceunis’ dream would come true: to be remembered in his native country.

Notes

  1. Vooruit: newspaper founded in Ghent in 1884 with links to the Belgian Workers’ Party.

2. Johan Daisne: pseudonym of Herman Thiery (1912 – 1978), Flemish author, pioneer of            Dutch magic realism.

3. Van Crombrugghe Society (Genootschap): social-cultural society in Ghent, founded in             1857

4. Paul Kenis (1885 – 1934): Flemish writer and magazine editor

5. Beguinages: medieval houses for communities of lay religious women

6. Paul-Gustave van Hecke (1887 – 1967): Belgian author, journalist, art collector, patron             and  couturier

7. Reiner Leven (‘Purer Living’): student association founded in Ghent in 1905 by George         Sarton (see note 9). See this article by Christophe Verbruggen.

8. Raymond Limbosch (1884 – 1953): Belgian poet and philosopher

9. George Sarton (1884 – 1956): Belgian-born American historian of science.

10. Paul van Oye (1886 – 1969): Belgian scientist

11. Maurice Maeterlink (1862 – 1949): Belgian playwright, poet and essayist

12. Max Stirner (1806 – 1856): German philosopher

13. Karel van de Woestijne (1878 – 1929: Flemish writer

14. André de Ridder (1888 – 1961): Belgian economist and literary critic

15. Jules de Bruycker (1870 – 1945): Belgian graphic artist, etcher, painter and               draughtsman

16. Augusta de Taeye (1885 – 1976): Belgian nursery teacher and feminist. Wife of Leo-   Michael Thierry and mother of Johan Daisne.

17.Leo-Michel Thierry (1877 – 1950): Flemish teacher and populariser of science.   Husband of Augusta de Taeye and father of Johan Daisne.

18. Emile Claus (1849 – 1924): Belgian painter

19. Albert Baertsoen (1866 – 1922): Belgian painter and graphic artist

20. AMVC Letterenhuis: Belgian ‘House of Literature’ in Antwerp